India’s criminal courts are drowning in cases. As of recent years, over 5 crore cases remain pending across various levels of the judiciary, and a criminal trial can take anywhere from 10 to 15 years to reach its conclusion. It was precisely this crisis that pushed the Indian legislature to introduce plea bargaining through the Criminal Law (Amendment) Act, 2005, inserting Sections 265A to 265L into the Code of Criminal Procedure, 1973. The same provisions have now been retained under Chapter XXIII (Sections 289-300) of the Bharatiya Nagarik Suraksha Sanhita (BNSS), 2023. Plea bargaining, in simple terms, is an arrangement where the accused agrees to plead guilty in exchange for concessions – typically a reduced sentence or dropped charges – with the court’s approval. But does it truly serve justice, or does it cut too many corners? Both sides of that debate deserve a close look.
Table of Contents
- What plea bargaining looks like in India
- The case for plea bargaining: key advantages
- Reduces court backlog and speeds up justice
- Financial relief for all parties
- Certainty of outcome
- Victim compensation and participation
- Decongestion of prisons
- The case against plea bargaining: key disadvantages
- Risk of coercion and involuntary pleas
- Unequal bargaining power
- Threat to the integrity of the trial process
- Procedural complexity and practical barriers
- Abysmally low utilisation
- Sentencing anomalies
- Balancing efficiency and justice
What plea bargaining looks like in India
In India, plea bargaining is primarily sentence bargaining – the accused admits guilt and, in return, receives a lighter sentence than what a full trial might have delivered. The law does not permit bargaining for a lesser offence (charge bargaining) the way the United States system does. The process is strictly regulated: the accused must file a voluntary application before the court, accompanied by an affidavit. The court then verifies that the application is not coerced, and brings together the prosecutor, investigating officer, victim, and the accused for a meeting to arrive at a mutually satisfactory resolution.
Under Section 290 of the BNSS, the accused must file this application within 30 days of the framing of charges, and all parties have up to 60 days to reach an agreement. The framework expressly excludes offences punishable with death, life imprisonment, or more than seven years of imprisonment, as well as crimes affecting the socio-economic condition of the country and offences committed against women or children below the age of 14.
The case for plea bargaining: key advantages
Reduces court backlog and speeds up justice
The most obvious and immediate benefit of plea bargaining is the relief it offers to an overburdened judiciary. India’s judge-to-population ratio stands at a dismal 21 judges per million people, one of the lowest in the world. With millions of cases pending trial, a mechanism that allows for a quicker, negotiated resolution directly addresses the systemic bottleneck. For the accused – especially undertrial prisoners who may spend years in custody simply waiting for their case to come up – a faster resolution can mean the difference between prolonged detention and timely closure.
Financial relief for all parties
A full-fledged criminal trial is expensive. Legal fees, court costs, repeated adjournments, and years of litigation drain resources from both the accused and the state. Plea bargaining considerably shortens this process. The accused avoids the mounting costs of a prolonged defence, while the state saves on the judicial and prosecutorial resources that would otherwise be consumed. For economically vulnerable defendants – who form a large share of India’s undertrial population – this financial reprieve can be significant.
Certainty of outcome
Criminal trials carry inherent uncertainty. Even with a strong defence, there is no guarantee of acquittal. Plea bargaining offers the accused a degree of predictability: they know in advance what sentence they are accepting, rather than risking a harsher punishment after a full trial. From the prosecution’s perspective, a guilty plea guarantees a conviction, which a trial may not. As noted in the BNSS framework, this arrangement also provides victims with a guaranteed conviction and an opportunity to receive compensation – offering them a sense of closure that lengthy trials often deny.
Victim compensation and participation
The Indian model of plea bargaining specifically mandates that the court award compensation to the victim as part of the final settlement. Unlike a contested trial where compensation depends entirely on the court’s discretion after conviction, plea bargaining builds victim redress directly into the negotiation process. Victims are also invited to participate in the settlement meeting, giving them a voice in the outcome – a feature that aligns with the broader goal of restorative justice.
Decongestion of prisons
India’s prison system is severely overcrowded, with a significant proportion of inmates being undertrial prisoners – people who have not been convicted but are simply awaiting trial. Plea bargaining, by expediting case resolution, directly helps decongest prisons. The BNSS retains this goal explicitly, recognising that quicker case disposal not only benefits the courts but also meaningfully reduces the burden on the prison infrastructure.
The case against plea bargaining: key disadvantages
Risk of coercion and involuntary pleas
The most serious criticism of plea bargaining anywhere in the world – and particularly in India – is the risk that the accused may be pressured into accepting a deal. An accused person who is economically disadvantaged, unfamiliar with legal procedures, or simply exhausted by prolonged detention may agree to plead guilty not because they are actually guilty, but because the alternative – a long, uncertain, expensive trial – seems worse. Critics argue that this dynamic can lead innocent individuals to accept plea deals, fundamentally undermining the principle of “innocent until proven guilty.” Despite the BNSS requirement that courts verify the voluntary nature of the application, the safeguard in practice can be difficult to enforce.
Unequal bargaining power
Plea bargaining assumes a roughly level playing field between the prosecution and the defence. In reality, that rarely exists. The state has access to substantial resources, investigative infrastructure, and experienced prosecutors. The accused – especially those without adequate legal representation – are negotiating from a position of weakness. This inequality of bargaining power means that the “deal” struck may not truly reflect justice, but rather the accused’s inability to mount a proper defence. Research indicates that the highly regulated Indian model has not been able to address this structural imbalance effectively.
Threat to the integrity of the trial process
Many Indian jurists and legal scholars have long argued that plea bargaining “pollutes the purity of the fair trial,” which is considered the bedrock of criminal justice. The Supreme Court itself, prior to the 2005 amendment, held that criminal cases must be decided on their merits and not disposed of on the basis of a guilty plea alone. When guilt is not determined through evidence and argument but through negotiation, it raises legitimate questions about whether justice is truly being administered or merely managed. The 2007 Sakharam Bandekar case – the first attempt at plea bargaining in India – was rejected by the court precisely on these grounds, as the accused faced serious corruption charges and the court refused to treat the matter as one suitable for negotiation.
Procedural complexity and practical barriers
Despite its intended simplicity, plea bargaining in India has proven remarkably difficult to implement in practice. For a deal to be finalised, all stakeholders – the victim, investigating officer, public prosecutor, and the accused – must reach consensus. If even one party refuses, the process collapses. In cases where the government is the complainant, the process becomes even more complex due to concerns about impartiality and the perception of quid pro quo arrangements. Bar and Bench reports that the newly added 30-day filing deadline under Section 290(1) BNSS may further restrict the accused’s window of opportunity, potentially making the mechanism even less accessible than before.
Abysmally low utilisation
Perhaps the most telling indicator of plea bargaining’s limitations in India is how rarely it is actually used. According to NCRB 2022 data, out of approximately 1.7 crore cases that went to trial, only 19,135 were resolved through plea bargaining – a mere 0.11% of the total. In contrast, in the United States, over 97% of federal criminal convictions result from plea deals. The gap reveals not just a difference in legal culture, but a fundamental gap in awareness, training, and institutional incentive among lawyers, prosecutors, and judges in India.
Sentencing anomalies
An unexpected disadvantage specific to the Indian statutory framework is the potential for sentencing anomalies. Under the provisions of the BNSS, the minimum sentence awarded through plea bargaining is fixed at one-fourth of the maximum punishment. However, in a regular trial, a court retains full discretion to impose a sentence below that threshold based on mitigating circumstances. This means, as legal commentators have pointed out, that an accused who opts for plea bargaining could paradoxically end up with a harsher sentence than one who undergoes a full trial – a perverse outcome that defeats the very purpose of the mechanism.
Balancing efficiency and justice
Plea bargaining is not inherently flawed. Globally, it has proven to be an effective tool for managing judicial caseloads – countries like the United States, United Kingdom, and Australia have built entire criminal justice systems around it. India’s version, however, is still finding its footing. The Bharatiya Nagarik Suraksha Sanhita, 2023 has taken a step forward by introducing clearer timelines and retaining the mechanism’s foundational structure, but significant gaps remain: limited awareness among stakeholders, absence of legal aid for undertrial prisoners to navigate the process, and the persistent cultural reluctance of both prosecutors and judges to embrace negotiated settlements.
The 154th Law Commission Report and the Malimath Committee Report had both envisioned plea bargaining as a transformative, experimental tool – not a replacement for the adversarial trial, but a complement to it for less serious offences. For it to fulfil that vision, reform must go beyond legislation. It requires training legal professionals, educating undertrial prisoners about their options, expanding access to legal aid, and building genuine safeguards against coercion – not just on paper, but in the courtroom.
What do you think? Given that India’s plea bargaining mechanism has been in place for nearly two decades and is used in only 0.11% of trial cases, what structural changes do you believe are most urgently needed to make it effective? And is it possible to design a system that is both efficient and truly just – or are these goals, at some level, in tension with each other?
References
- https://www.barandbench.com/columns/the-unstruck-bargain-reviving-plea-bargaining-to-strengthen-justice-delivery-in-india
- https://bprd.nic.in/uploads/pdf/202401290624581538333Pleabargaining-BNSS.pdf
- https://www.legalserviceindia.com/legal/article-17318-plea-bargaining-under-bnss-bharatiya-nagarik-suraksha-sanhita-2023-.html
- https://legaleagleweb.com/articalsdetail.aspx?newsid=100
- https://cdnbbsr.s3waas.gov.in/s35d6646aad9bcc0be55b2c82f69750387/uploads/2024/07/202407081504838413.pdf
- https://legalbots.in/blog/plea-bargaining-in-india-balancing-justice-and-expediency
- https://www.ijlra.com/details/evaluating-the-status-and-impact-of-plea-bargaining-in-india-by-mokshita-singh
- https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Plea_bargain
- https://www.barandbench.com/columns/inside-the-courtroom-a-prosecutors-view-on-plea-bargaining-in-india
- https://www.ijarsct.co.in/Paper29114.pdf
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